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Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, previously made his fortune dealing in livestock and precious metals. Now, his RSF militia control around 50% of Sudan.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a major victory by capturing the city of al-Fasher, which was the final military stronghold in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his opponents, Hemedti is revered by his loyalists for his tenacity and his promise to tear down the discredited state.

Humble Beginnings

His background is humble. He comes from the Mahariya clan of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arab group that spans the Chad-Sudan border region.

Born around 1974, like many from rural areas, his exact birth details were not officially registered.

Guided by his uncle Juma, his family relocated to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, escaping war and in search of greener pastures.

Initial Ventures

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti started making money by dealing in livestock across the desert to Libya and Egypt.

During that period, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—impoverished, ignored by the regime of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjawid raided villages of the native Fur communities, triggering a major uprising in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to lead his counter-insurgency campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's force was part of this, implicated in attacking the village of Adwa in November 2004, killing 126 people, among them 36 children.

A US investigation determined that the Janjaweed were guilty of crimes against humanity.

Strategic Maneuvering

In the years following the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his rise to become head of a powerful paramilitary force, a business network, and a political organization.

He briefly mutinied, demanding back-pay for his fighters, promotions, and a government role for his brother. Bashir granted many of his requests.

Later, when rival militias mutinied, Hemedti commanded loyalist troops that crushed them, gaining control Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jabel Amir.

Quickly, his family company al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Institutionalizing Influence

In 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as head of the newly formed Rapid Support Forces, answering only to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, receiving new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

International Connections

Hemedti's forces engaged in the Darfur conflict, struggled in the Nuba region, and accepted a contract to guard the Libyan frontier.

Supposedly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's commanders also excelled at corruption and human smuggling.

By 2015, Gulf nations asked Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide his fighters as contractors.

His ties with the UAE proved highly significant, marking the start of a strong alliance with Emirati leadership.

Growing Power

Young Sudanese men flocked to RSF recruiting centers for cash payments of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, particularly in gold.

He visited Moscow occurred on the day of the Ukraine war outbreak.

Political Betrayal

As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, dubbing him "my protector".

This backfired. In April 2019, when protesters called for change, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the generals overthrew him.

Initially, Hemedti was hailed as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but that lasted only weeks.

Return to Violence

As the transition stalled, Hemedti deployed his forces, which committed massacres, raped women, and allegedly drowned men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF committed atrocities.

Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians agreed to a compromise, leading to an uneasy partnership for several years.

Ongoing War

As an investigation started looking into army businesses, the two generals ousted the government and seized power.

But they fell out. Burhan demanded the RSF come under army command. Hemedti refused.

Last year, RSF units moved to surround strategic locations in Khartoum. The attempted putsch failed, and fighting erupted across the city.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit community.

The UN estimates thousands of casualties, with the US describing it ethnic cleansing.

Present Situation

The RSF has acquired modern weapons, including sophisticated drones, deployed against Burhan's stronghold and crucial in the capture of el-Fasher.

With this weaponry, the RSF is in a deadlock with the national military.

Hemedti has created a parallel government, the so-called unity government, appointing himself leader.

With the capture of al-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of inhabited territory west of the Nile.

After allegations of atrocities, Hemedti announced a probe into abuses committed by his soldiers.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti sees himself as ruler of an independent region or aspires to rule all of Sudan.

Alternatively, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

And as Hemedti's forces commit violence in al-Fasher, he appears confident of avoiding consequences in a world that does not care.